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Failing To Give Police Five Days' Notice Of A Rally Stopped Being A Crime On 1 July 2025.

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On 1 July 2025, the Federal Court struck down section 9(5) of the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012.

What that provision did: it made it an offence for an organiser to fail to give police five days' notice before an assembly, punishable by a fine of up to RM10,000.

What the Federal Court held, per Chief Justice Tun Tengku Maimun Tuan Mat, delivering a unanimous five-judge decision on her final day in office:

"We find that subsection 9(5) is not validly enacted under Article 10(2)(b) and it cannot be deemed as validly restricting the right guaranteed to all citizens by Article 10(2)(b). Subsection 9(5), therefore, violates the right to peaceful assembly under Article 10(1)(b) and must be struck down as null and void under Article 4(1)."

The reasoning: s.9(5) amounted to a prohibition rather than a restriction, was a disproportionate incursion on the right, was unfair to organisers, and had no genuine connection to public safety.

The critical distinction, and the one most coverage gets wrong:

The notice requirement under s.9(1) still stands. The criminal penalty for missing it does not.

As one commentator put it: "the requirement is still there, for good reason, but non-compliance will not invite criminal sanction."

The case that got there

Amir Hariri bin Abd Hadi, co-founder and former secretary-general of MUDA, organised a peaceful rally in central Kuala Lumpur on 14 August 2022 to protest the government's award of a defence contract — the littoral combat ship (LCS) project.

The rally was attended by around 60 people and proceeded without incident.

Twelve days later he was charged under s.9(1), punishable under s.9(5), for failing to notify Dang Wangi District Police five days in advance. He pleaded not guilty on 26 August 2022.

Reported as Amir Hariri bin Abd Hadi v Public Prosecutor [2025] 4 MLJ 807. The case was remitted to the High Court for disposal.

A decade of judicial conflict, now resolved

YearDecision
2014Court of Appeal in Nik Nazmi v PP declares s.9(5) unconstitutional, acquitting Nik Nazmi. Justice Mohamad Arif: "That which is fundamentally lawful cannot be criminalised."
2015Court of Appeal in PP v Yuneswaran Ramaraj unanimously rules s.9(5) IS consistent with Article 10(1)(b) — reversing the position
1 July 2025Federal Court in Amir Hariri upholds Nik Nazmi, overrules Yuneswaran, and strikes s.9(5) down

That decade of uncertainty is why older articles on this topic contradict each other. Anything written between 2015 and mid-2025 will describe s.9(5) as valid.

What the law still requires

Section 9(1) notice remains valid for regulatory purposes. The Court was explicit that notice requirements under s.9(1) remain valid, while criminal penalties for non-compliance imposed an unjustifiable burden on fundamental liberties.

The PAA 2012 removed the requirement for prior police permits — that was its original reform. Notification is not permission.

Police powers are unaffected. The Federal Court expressly pointed out that police retain powers under the Penal Code to take action if a rally becomes unruly, unlawful, or stops being peaceful.

Note also s.21A, which enables police to compound a s.9(5) offence — payment instead of prosecution. The Court observed that even so, it remained up to the authorities whether to charge an organiser, which was part of the problem.

Why this matters for spontaneous assemblies

The practical significance is timing.

Commentary notes that assemblies "often reflective of immediate public sentiment or rapid developments" now enjoy stronger constitutional protection — and that democratic participation sometimes requires immediacy, so the law must not impose barriers that effectively silence legitimate public expression.

A five-day notice requirement backed by criminal liability made spontaneous protest impossible. The Court of Appeal in 2014 had identified the same conceptual difficulty: s.9(5) treated peaceful assemblies as lawful regardless of compliance with notice — so it criminalised failure to notify about something fundamentally lawful.

What to actually do if you are organising

This is not legal advice on any particular assembly. Take advice if the event is significant.

  1. Give the s.9(1) notice anyway. The requirement remains valid, notification helps police manage traffic and safety, and it removes an argument. Missing it is no longer a crime, but that is not a reason to skip it.
  2. Notification is not a permit. The PAA removed the permit requirement.
  3. Keep it peaceful. The Penal Code powers are untouched, and protection attaches to peaceful assembly.
  4. Know the restricted places and prohibited categories under the PAA — the Act contains restrictions on assemblies at or near certain locations that this article does not detail.
  5. Note who counts as an organiser. Liability under the Act attaches to organisers specifically.
  6. Children and non-citizens are subject to particular provisions under the PAA.
  7. If police attend, be co-operative and record names and numbers. Your arrest rights are unchanged — see (The CPC Sections That Actually Govern Your Arrest: s.23, s.28, s.28A, s.117, s.112 and s.387).
  8. If you are charged, get a lawyer. Bar Council Legal Aid Centres: malaysianbar.org.my.

What the ruling does not do

It does not repeal the Peaceful Assembly Act. Only s.9(5) was struck down. Amir was only challenging s.9(5), and the Federal Court noted that.

It does not create an unlimited right. Article 10(1)(b) guarantees the right to assemble peaceably, and Article 10(2)(b) permits Parliament to impose restrictions it considers necessary for security or public order. What the Court held is that a law is not valid merely because it was made for an Article 10(2) reason — it must also be fair, genuinely connected to public security, and must not turn a procedural requirement into a prohibition.

Other laws still apply. Sedition, s.233 CMA and public order offences operate independently of the PAA — see (Every Government Since 2012 Has Promised To Repeal The Sedition Act. Cases Rose 84% In 2025.).

FAQ

Do I need a permit to hold a rally in Malaysia?

No. The Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 removed the requirement for prior police permits. Notification under s.9(1) is not the same as permission.

Do I still need to give five days' notice?

The notice requirement under s.9(1) remains valid. What changed on 1 July 2025 is that failing to give it is no longer a criminal offence, following the Federal Court striking down s.9(5).

What was the penalty before?

A fine of up to RM10,000 on conviction.

Why was s.9(5) struck down?

The Federal Court held it was not validly enacted under Article 10(2)(b), violated the right to peaceful assembly under Article 10(1)(b), amounted to a prohibition rather than a restriction, was disproportionate and unfair to organisers, and had no genuine connection to public safety.

Which case decided this?

Amir Hariri bin Abd Hadi v Public Prosecutor [2025] 4 MLJ 807, decided 1 July 2025 by a unanimous five-judge Federal Court panel chaired by Chief Justice Tengku Maimun on her final day in office.

Why do older articles say the opposite?

Because the position flipped. The Court of Appeal held s.9(5) unconstitutional in Nik Nazmi (2014), then held it constitutional in Yuneswaran (2015). The Federal Court in 2025 upheld Nik Nazmi and overruled Yuneswaran.

Can police still act against a protest?

Yes. The Federal Court expressly noted that police retain Penal Code powers to act if a rally becomes unruly, unlawful or stops being peaceful.

Is the whole Peaceful Assembly Act gone?

No. Only s.9(5) was struck down. The rest of the Act, including restrictions on assemblies at certain places, remains.

This article is general legal information, not legal advice, and reading it does not create a lawyer–client relationship.

Specific to this article: only s.9(5) of the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 was struck down — the Act as a whole remains in force, including provisions this article does not detail such as restrictions on assemblies at or near prohibited places, provisions concerning children and non-citizens, and definitions of who is an organiser. Material published between 2015 and mid-2025 will describe s.9(5) as valid law following Yuneswaran, and is now superseded. One source describes the notice period as 10 days and attributes the Amir Hariri decision to the Court of Appeal rather than the Federal Court; the period is five days under s.9(1) as reported in the contemporaneous coverage of the 2025 decision, and the decision was of the Federal Court — the 10-day figure appears in the 2014 Nik Nazmi reporting and may reflect the position at that time. Other laws including the Penal Code, the Sedition Act 1948 and s.233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 continue to apply to conduct at or around assemblies. If you are organising a significant public assembly or have been charged, take legal advice.

Spot something outdated or wrong? Tell us — we’ll verify and correct it, with the correction noted.

Key sources (9) — how this was verified
  • BERNAMA, 1 July 2025, "Federal Court Rules Section 9(5) Of The Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 Unconstitutional"the five-member Federal Court bench ruling that s.9(5), which penalised an organiser who failed to provide police with five days' prior notice, is unconstitutional; Chief Justice Tun Tengku Maimun Tuan Mat's holding that s.9(5) is inconsistent with Article 10(2)(b) read with Article 8(1), and the quoted grounds: "We find that subsection 9(5) is not validly enacted under Article 10(2)(b) and it cannot be deemed as validly restricting the right guaranteed to all citizens by Article 10(2)(b). Subsection 9(5), therefore, violates the right to peaceful assembly under Article 10(1)(b) and must be struck down as null and void under Article 4(1)"; and the background that Amir Hariri pleaded not guilty on 26 August 2022 to a charge under s.9(1) punishable under s.9(5), carrying a maximum fine of RM10,000: https://bernama.com/en/news.php?id=2440130
  • Malay Mail, 1 July 2025, "Failure to tell police five days before peaceful rally no longer a crime in Malaysia, Federal Court rules"the unanimous five-judge decision to strike down s.9(5), meaning it is no longer a crime for an organiser to fail to give five days' advance notice of a peaceful rally; Tengku Maimun's holding that s.9(5) cannot be seen as a valid restriction under Article 10(1)(b) but amounts to a prohibition and a disproportionate incursion; the point about criminalising the right to organise a rally when assemblies often do not happen spontaneously and logically need to be organised; the note that while s.21A enables police to compound the s.9(5) offence, it remained up to the authorities whether to charge an organiser; the Federal Court's express observation that police still have powers under the Penal Code to act if a rally becomes unruly, unlawful or stops being peaceful; Article 10(1)(b) guaranteeing the right to assemble peaceably and Article 10(2)(b) permitting Parliament to impose restrictions necessary for security or public order; and the holding that a law will not be considered valid simply because it was made for the reasons under Article 10(2): https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2025/07/01/failure-to-tell-police-five-days-before-peaceful-rally-no-longer-a-crime-in-malaysia-federal-court-rules/182382
  • MahWengKwai & Associates, "Analysing the Evolution of the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012" — the confirmation that the PAA 2012 removed the requirement for prior police permits while s.9(5) criminalised failure to provide advance notice; the constitutional question of when regulation of a right becomes prohibition of it; Amir Hariri bin Abd Hadi v Public Prosecutor [2025] 4 MLJ 807 resolving a decade-long judicial conflict; the facts that the applicant, a co-founder and member of MUDA, organised a peaceful rally in central Kuala Lumpur on 14 August 2022 to protest the government's award of a defence contract, attended by around 60 people and proceeding without incident, yet 12 days later was charged under s.9(5) for failing to notify police five days prior as required by s.9(1); and the observation that assemblies reflective of immediate public sentiment or rapid developments now enjoy stronger constitutional protection, since democratic participation sometimes requires immediacy: https://mahwengkwai.com/law-peaceful-assembly-malaysia-permits-notification/
  • Yew Huoi, How & Associates, "A Peaceful Win: Court Strikes Down Criminal Penalty For No Notice Under PAA" — the holding that s.9(5) was unconstitutional for being inconsistent with Article 10(2)(b) read with Article 8(1); that it was disproportionate and unfair to organisers, had no genuine connection to public safety, and functioned as a prohibition rather than a restriction; that the Court upheld Nik Nazmi and overruled Yuneswaran; that notice requirements under s.9(1) remain valid for regulatory purposes while criminal penalties for non-compliance imposed an unjustifiable burden on fundamental liberties; and that any law limiting the right to peaceful assembly must be fair, clearly connected to public security, and must not turn a simple procedural requirement into a prohibition. Note this source describes the decision as of the Court of Appeal and the notice period as 10 days, which conflicts with the contemporaneous reporting: https://yhalaw.com.my/constitutional-law-a-peaceful-win-court-strikes-down-criminal-penalty-for-no-notice-under-paa/
  • ARTICLE 19 and CIVICUS, 1 July 2025 — the welcome of the Federal Court decision ruling s.9(5) unconstitutional and invalid, with the five-judge panel reaching a unanimous decision to annul it; the finding that s.9(5) imposes a punishment exceeding the limits permitted under Article 10(1)(b) and was a "disproportionate intervention" amounting to a prohibition rather than a restriction; the 2014 Court of Appeal decision in Nik Nazmi v Public Prosecutor declaring s.9(5) unconstitutional; the 2015 Court of Appeal decision in Public Prosecutor v Yuneswaran Ramaraj unanimously ruling s.9(5) consistent with Article 10(1)(b); and the UN Special Rapporteur's position that where organisers fail to notify authorities the assembly should not be automatically dissolved and organisers should not face criminal or administrative penalties: https://www.article19.org/resources/malaysia-federal-court-ruling-strengthens-the-right-to-peaceful-assembly/
  • Selangor Journal, 1 July 2025 — the composition of the bench including Court of Appeal President Tan Sri Abang Iskandar Abang Hashim, Federal Court judges Tan Sri Nallini Pathmanathan and Datuk Rhodzariah Bujang, and Court of Appeal judge Datuk Mohd Nazlan Mohd Ghazali; the background of the LCS project protest in front of the Sogo Shopping Complex, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman; and the order remitting Amir's case to the High Court for just and expeditious disposal: https://selangorjournal.my/2025/07/federal-court-rules-section-95-of-the-peaceful-assembly-act-2012-as-unconstitutional/
  • Amnesty International Malaysia, 1 July 2025 — the confirmation that the provision criminalised acts of organisers of peaceful assemblies who failed to notify police five days in advance, even if the assembly remained peaceful, and that the Court ruled such punishment disproportionate and infringing on the right to peaceful assembly under Article 10: https://www.amnesty.my/2025/07/01/federal-court-ruling-a-powerful-step-towards-restoring-the-right-to-peaceful-assembly/
  • Hitam Putih, July 2025, "Striking Down Section 9(5)" — the point that the decision was delivered by a unanimous Federal Court led by outgoing Chief Justice Tun Tengku Maimun on her final day in office, and the important clarification that "the requirement is still there, for good reason, but non-compliance will not invite criminal sanction": https://www.hitamputih.blog/post/striking-down-section-9-5
  • Malay Mail, 25 April 2014 — the Court of Appeal's earlier unanimous ruling in Nik Nazmi, in which Justice Datuk Mohamad Arif Md Yusof held that while the notice requirement under s.9(1) passed the constitutional test, s.9(5) ran counter to the Federal Constitution and must be struck out, observing that s.9(5) presents "some conceptual difficulty" as it considers peaceful assemblies lawful regardless of compliance with notice, and that "that which is fundamentally lawful cannot be criminalised": https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2014/04/25/assembly-law-cannot-criminalise-public-gatherings-court-rules/658227